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April 21, 2009

The Budget: who will come out on top?

One of the most fascinating aspects of tomorrow's Budget Statement is going to be who will come out on top - Alistair Darling, George Osborne or Vince Cable?
The Chancellor is obviously under huge pressure to deliver a package of measures that is seen to be an imaginative and stabilising influence in the current economic crisis and which helps Labour recover the political initiative. It won't be easy and the leaks over the weekend show just how limited his scope is going to be tomorrow.
His Tory counterpart, George Osborne, will be under almost as much pressure to perform and deliver because there is a growing band of Tory MPs who do not think he is the right person for the job. One of his key problems, and one that he will have to deal with again tomorrow, is that he has been eclipsed by the Liberal Democrat Treasury spokesman Vince Cable at every stage of the unfolding financial and economic crisis. Many Tories were disappointed when Kenneth Clarke wasn't brought back into the Shadow Cabinet as Shadow Chancellor rather than Shadow Business Secretary at the beginning of the year. With the entry of the UK into the Euro nowhere to be seen on the political horizon at the moment, the one issue that divided Mr Clarke from the majority of Tories has disappeared and he is seen by many as the ideal running mate for David Cameron in an election that will be dominated by economic issues.
Mr Cable, on the other hand, will be under the least pressure tomorrow. Sure, expectations that he will exploit any weaknesses in the Chancellor's proposals will be high but he is not under any threat himself. However, if he does succeed in scoring some serious political points then expect talk of a coalition government with Vince Cable as Chancellor to start up again.

April 22, 2009

Darling shows he has run out of ideas

The initial reaction to Darling's Budget speech has to be that he has demonstrated that the government has now run out of ideas on the economy. He will score with left of centre voters for his attacks on high earners with the cap on pensions tax relief and the 50% rate of tax but he will get widely criticised for being too timid on the public sector deficit and for the tax increase on booze and fuel. Unfortunately for him, Labour needs to do alot more than appeal to its core supporters.
His argument for not acting with greater vigour to cut public spending seems to rely on his optimistic forecast that we will start to see a recovery by the end of this year with growth in 2010. This seems so far out of line with almost every other forecast that it is scarcely believable. I didn't even get the impression that the Chancellor really believed it either so downbeat was his presentation of that section of his speech. Indeed, overall, he seemed to lack conviction, perhaps demonstrating that he feels totally hemmed in by the economic and fiscal circumstances.
Cameron's response has been all bluster and even less substance, although I have always thought that it must be one of the most difficult speeches to make. As I said yesterday, the real test for the opposition will come later in the Budget debate when Osborne and Cable get their chance to launch more considered critiques of the Budget.

April 23, 2009

The Budget points towards a decade of gloom and conflict

I've been trying to pick my way through the detail of yesterday's Budget statement to find some good news and have been getting ever more depressed as I do so. I have come to the conclusion that we are heading for a decade of economic gloom against a background of political and, perhaps, increasing industrial conflict.
It looks like a re-run of the 1970s.
At the end of the 60s - a decade of hope, growth and change - the UK economy hit the buffers. Inflation was the emerging problem then while public debt is the millstone we have round our necks now. In 1970 the Labour government of Harold Wilson was voted out and Ted Heath's Tories came in with promises of radical economic reform. These promises were not delivered as the harsh economic realities the Conservatives inherited knocked them off course time and time again. By the end of 1973 we had descended into industrial chaos with most people working a three day week. An early election in 1974 on a "Who governs the country" theme saw the poisoned chalice handed back to Harold Wilson who passed it on to James Callaghan after two years. He sent us cap in hand to the International Monetary Fund, presided over massive cuts in public spending and led us into the Winter of Discontent when I remember walking past Leicester Square everyday where the bin bags were piled ten feet high and covered the whole square - it stunk. At the end of the decade the country was so disillusioned with Labour that they were prepared to take a risk on the ultra-radical Margaret Thatcher.
We are at the turn of a decade again, face a General Election next year and have dismal economic prospects. It seems depressingly familiar territory. The 1970s was also an era of highly polarised politics and the Budget seems to be taking us back in that direction too.
Much of my gloom has been made worse by the fantasy forecasts the Chancellor, Alistair Darling, deployed yesterday: there isn't a single economic expert that shares his optimism that we will start to see a recovery later this year and reach the dizzy heights of 1.25% growth next year. Unless he is right and everyone else is wrong this means that next year's Budget will see further significant tax increases and cuts in public spending as the Treasury struggles to close a widening gap between revenues and spending. If this is the scenario then we might even see a slightly early election so that Labour doesn't have to administer the medicine because for Mr Darling to have to present a Budget admitting the forecasts he made yesterday were wrong would cause catastrophic political damage to Labour.
This doesn't mean that David Cameron is set fair to sail into Downing Street, although his rather blustering speech yesterday got a good press this morning so he probably feels quietly confident at the moment. He will have to be pretty honest about the medicine he intends to administer and convince the country that the Tories have the courage to administer it. This is where Ted Heath's government failed: it wasn't honest enough, tough enough or sufficiently long term in its thinking. Its first Budget was willfully misconceived because it ignored all the warning signs about inflation. I suppose one difference this time is that there is no way anyone can be unaware of the huge public sector deficit that is encircling us. 


April 24, 2009

I'm not the only one who sees the 1970s looming on the horizon

Despite one commentator's optimism in response to my predictions that we are heading for a decade of economic misery and industrial conflict on a par with the 1970s, there is plenty of expert opinion this morning lining up on my side. Alot of what the IFS says in terms of the approach that needs to be taken to public spending reflects the thought-provoking Reform report published on Monday.
It is, however, all very well for academics and think tanks to urge people to "think the unthinkable" when it comes to facing up to the need to haul down public expenditure in the next decade but it has to be done with a degree of political coherence and in a way that at least has a chance of winning public support. If we are forced into the sort of IMF dictated cuts that we had in the 1970s, we will head straight for the sort of industrial conflict and social unrest that marred much of that decade.
Are any of the main political parties offering the sort of leadership that can steer us through the fraught years ahead?


April 27, 2009

Trade credit row could turn nasty for insurers

The trouble with the sort of help the government announced in the Budget to help ease the pressures in the domestic trade credit market is that it suddenly alters people's expectations. With many businesses, especially in the retail sector, going under in the first few months of this year, stories about the problems some firms have faced in getting adequate had a "so what do you expect?" feel about them. Now, the tone has changed.
People are looking at the £5bn top-up scheme announced by Alistair Darling and thinking that this sort of subsidy should be making the problems go away. At the very least, they will say, it should be helping soften the tough stance trade credit insurers have been taking. When this doesn't happen, things can turn nasty.
The Association of British Insurers was long on fine words in the run-up to the Budget; now people will expect action to deliver the promises it suggests in its code of practice but, as we know, it has no powers, beyond persuasion, over its members. It will take a concerted effort on the part of the ABI to make sure that political and public opinion doesn't turn against the insurance industry on this issue. So far, the insurance market has managed to avoid attracting the opprobrium directed at the banking sector. Now it has been offered a public subsidy there is a danger that many people will see it as fair game.

April 29, 2009

All Party Group tackles trade credit insurance

The All Party Parliamentary Group on Insurance & Financial Services will be looking into the issues in the UK trade credit insurance market on Tuesday 19 May (11.30am, Committee Room 17, House of Commons) when the Association of British Insurers and the British Retail Consortium will be presenting their views.
This should be an interesting session as the government's intervention in this market will change the dynamics and will also alter the tone of the public debate about the impact of the higher claims volumes caused by the recession.

About The Budget

This page contains an archive of all entries posted to Parliamentary Connections in the The Budget category. They are listed from oldest to newest.

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